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PRESENTED BY 



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Sntxhmts. 

Eii^al Crgt0n 
Srrrmhrr fitfj, T9U 

J. Warren Kcifcr, Major General U. S. V. 



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T^npn 






J. Warren Kcifer, Major General U. S. V. 



THE BATTLE OF RICH MOUNTAIN. 
Some Incidents. 

The battle of Rich Mountain was fought in what is now 
Western Virginia on the 11th day of July, 1861, more than fifty 
years ago. It was the first battle of the great rebellion. 

Sumter (April 12, 1<S61), where the first angry shots were 
fired which summoned the hosts of the Union to arms, was 
bloodless. On April 18, 1861, the United States Arsenal at 
Hamper's Ferry, Mrginia, was Irurned, and the place evacuated. 
An affair at Big Bethel, Virginia, took place June 10, 1861, not 
rising to the dignity of a battle, the losses being small, and those 
on the Union side occasioned, chiefly, by two of our regiments 
firing upon each other. 

The Arsenal at Fayetteville, N. C, was attacked by the Con- 
federates, and, after some negotiations, was, on April 22, 1861, 
evacuated, and its commanding officer. Captain Julius A. De 
Lagnel, U. S. A., was permitted to take the troops and stores 
there to Washington, D. C. 

(Please keep DeLagnel's name in mind for he will 
be spoken of later.) 

The affair at Philippi (now W. \^a.) June 3, 1861,, was a 
night attack and a surprise by Union troops under Colonels B. 
F. Kelley and Ebenezer Dumont. Col. G. A. Porterfield in com- 
mand of the Confederates retreated at day-break with no loss 
in prisoners ; none killed and but one wounded. Col. Kelley 
(wounded by a pistol shot) was the only union casualty. 

3 



Preparations for war on both sides were then in active 
progress. President Lincohi's first call (April 15, 1861) for 
T5,000 three month's volunteers had been made, and his first call 
for three year's volunteers followed. May 3, 1861. 

The Confederate authorities were six months or more in 
advance of the United States in organizing troops, and in real 
preparation for war. 

Before the battle of Rich Mountain many Union officers who, 
later figured largely in the war, had been commissioned ; some 
of them only, became distinguished. Some were later killed, 
others with more or less creditable careers continued to the end 
of the war, and still others, after occupying high commands, 
lost them and passed to the rear to be judged by posterity. 
Others came on the scene and took their places. 

George B. McClellan was earlv made a Major-General of 
Volunteers, and the Department of Ohio, including Western 
Virginia, was created for him. On May 26, 1861, he issued a 
proclamation to the people in Western \'irginia notifying them 
that Union forces would soon invade their country ; that there 
would be no interference with their slaves, and asking them to 
"fly to arms and support the General Government." 

William S. Rosecrans, with the rank of Brigadier-General, 
commanded a brigade under McClellan in his Western X^irginia 
campaign. Others not destined to become conspicuously dis- 
tinguished were also under him in that campaign. 

The Union forces were, in June, mainly assembled at or near 

Grafton and Clarksburg, Va., and Philippi was occupied on the 

more direct road from Grafton through Webster to Beverlv, 

4 



Huttonville, Cheat Mountain, etc., to Staunton, \'a. Laurel Hill 
Mountain on this road, near Philippi, was soon occupied by a 
Confederate force under General Robert S. Garnett, then in 
chief command in that part of Western Va. A Union force 
under Brigadier-General Thomas A. Morris soon confronted 
Garnett at Laurel Hill. 

McClellan assembled the principal part of his army at Clarks- 
burg an the line of railroad from Parkersburg to Grafton, and, 
by July 3nd, he, with it, reached Buchannan, situated on a turn- 
pike road extending through it from Clarksburg to Roaring 
Creek, near the base of Rich Mountain and across the mountain 
to Beverly. Col. John Pegram, then late of the U. S. A.y with 
a Confederate force of about 2,000 men, with considerable 
artillery, was strongly fortified on the western slope and near 
the foot of the mountain. His position was pronounced by 
engineer ^officers impregnable. His left e'xtended along' the 
base of the mountain to spurs and precipitate parts of it, beyond 
or' around which it was believed no troops could be taken. His 
right was likewise regarded as impossible to be turned, save by 
a dangerous, precipitate, long and circuitous route over rugged 
mountain spurs. 

'McClellan moved his army forward and camped at Roaring 
Creek, July 9,'18{jl, al)Out one and one-half miles in front of 
Pegram's fortified position. On July (>th, two companies of the 
third Ohio Infantry, under Captain O. A. Lawson, had a sharp 
skirmish at Middle Fork Bridge with an advance grand-guard of 
the enemy, in which there were some casualties. McClellan en- 
sured Brig-General Schleigh (of Ohio) for sending out the ex- 
pedition without his order. 



McCIellan's three brigades (there were no divisions then) 
were commanded by Brigadier-Generals WilHam S. Rosecrans 
and N. Schleigh and Colonel Robert S. McCook (9th O. Y. I.) 

General Morris was ordered by McClellan to closely watch 
General Garnett at Laurel Hill, and should he attempt to with- 
draw to pursue him. 

On the 10th of July, Lieut. Orlando M. Poe, U. S. A., 
engineer officer on McCIellan's staff with the 4th and 9th Ohio 
regiments and Loomis'- (Cold Water, Mich.) battery made a 
forced reconnoissance on Pegram's front which resulted in con- 
firming the general belief that the position was not only strong 
but almost impregnable by front attack. McClellan reported 
the enemy's 

"intrenchments were held by a large force, with several guns in po- 
sition to command the front approaches, and t/.at a direct assault 
would result in a heavy and unnecessary loss of life." 

He seemed to abandon the purpose of trying to take the 
position, as he entertained the opinion that its flanks could not 
be successfully turned. 

Here, opportunely, a rugged, uncouth mountain-boy, "to the 
manor born," about eighteen years of age, appeared on the scene. 

His name was Hart. His home was on Rich Mountain 

in the rear (towards Beverly) of Pegram's fortified position, dis- 
tant therefrom about two miles. His father kept an old time 
tavern on the road where it passed through a slight depression 
over the mountain summit. Young Hart was filled with patriot- 
ism for his country as were most of the plain mountaineers, not 
only in Yirginia, but in all the mountain regions of the South. 
Inexperienced and ignorant of military movements, campaigns 



or battles he found his way to General Rosecrans who patiently 
heard his story and questioned him as to the strength of the 
enemy and his position. 

Young Hart insisted that Pegram and his engineers were 
mistaken and that it was possible for an army to be marched 
around his left to the summit of the mountain and to his father's 
house on the road in Pegram's rear. He said he had hunted 
through the supposed impassable region in the mountain and 
that he would willingly lead a Union force around the enemy's 
left to the mountain top, and to his home. Hart so impressed 
Rosecrans with his sincerity and rustic but perfect knowdedge, 
that at ten o'clock at night of July 10th he was conducted by 
Rosecrans to General McClellan ; and after much entreaty, Rose- 
crans obtained a reluctant consent to be allowed to lead a move- 
ment to Pegram's rear under young Hart's guidance. The de- 
tails as arranged were, that Rosecrans, with his brigade, com- 
posed of the 8th, 10th and loth Indiana and the 19th Ohio Vol- 
unteer Infantry regiments and Burdsell's company of cavalry, 
numbering in all 1917 men (no artillery), should before daylight 
of the next morning (July 11, 18G1) leave the main road at a 
point about one mile in front of Pegram's position at the base 
of Rich Mountain and, somewhat circuitous, without a defined 
road or even pathway, keep under cover of the declivities of 
the mountain spurs, avoid, so far as possible, the use of an axe 
or anything that would make a noise, go up the mountain to 
its crest, thence to the road at the Hart tavern, there establish 
himself firmly, temporarily fortifying, if found necessary, and 
from thence attack Pegram's rear. 



It will be kept in mind that young Hart had assured Rose- 
n: 
rear. 



crans that no enemy was located on the mountain in Pegram's 



While Rosecrans was engaged in making this circuit Mc- 
Clellan was to move his main forces close under the enemy's guns 
in front and be in readiness to attack and assault the works, 
while Rosecrans engaged the enemy's rear. The whole distance 
the flanking column would have to move was wrongly estimated 
at about five miles ; it proved to be miich greater, and the moun- 
tain was not only steep but extremely difficult of ascent. 

Pegram in his official report (War Records Vol. II, p. 2GT) 
states that he regarded his left as entirely free from danger by 
a flank movement around his left, and almost equally so on his 
right. 

I was then Major of the Third Ohio Infantry serving in Mc- 
Clellan's army, and was, the night of July 10th, in command of 
a detachment in charge of the pickets on its front and covering- 
the turnpike road well up towards the base of the mountain 
and closely confronting the enemy's pickets. 

I was wholly uninformed of the movement or its purpose, 
but in the early morning of the 11th, I discovered Rosecrans' 
column in motion and watched it silently move off the main road 
into the timber to our right and I then assumed its mission. My 
pickets extended for some distance into the timber and the some- 
what dense thickets on each side of the main road. 

Rosecrans' command was well on its way and out of sight 
at sunrise. I was instructed to be vigilant and to press well 
back the enemy's pickets, which I did. 

About nine A. M., a mounted orderly from McClellan came 
on a gallop from his headquarters with a large envelope carried 
under his belt addressed to General Rosecrans, since known to 



be an order to him countermanding his order to make the move- 
ment then under way and requiring him to halt or retire to a 
place of safety until another and better plan could be devised. 
The messenger was directed to overtake Rosecrans by a route 
to the enemy's right, whereas Rosecrans had gone to our right, 
the enemy's left. Of this I info"med the orderly and offered to 
put him on Rosecrans' trail. He haughtily spurned my advice 
and produced a written order from General McClellan signed by 
liis Adjutant General Major Seth Williams of the regular army, 
commanding all officers in cha-ge of grand guards and pickets to 
let him pass unmolested. I warned him of the certain danger 
of proceeding further on the main road, but he persisted in his 
superior's error, and as he held the supreme authority to go 
as directed and as I was green in the army and somewhat then 
in awe of a Commanding General I let him pass my advance 
pickets in search of the trail to our left, the enemy's right. 

In a moment or two the sharp crack of an army rifle was 
heard, and almost immediately the horse of the orderly came 
dashing wildly back, wounded and riderless within my lines, 
The orderly, dead or alive, was in the enemy's hands. 

Turning again to Rosecrans. His progress was slow, and in 
a rain lasting five hours his column struggled through the dense 
jungle whither only the adventurous hunter had rarely pene- 
trated, and up the mountain side, crossing and recrossing -avincis 
bv tortuous ways. By 1 P. M., it arrived, much wearied, near 
the mountain crest, but yet some distance to the southward of 
where the main road led through a depression across it towards 
Beverly and by the Hart tavern. 

Afte- a brief rest, without formation for battle, it moved 

9 



towards its destination, assured by Hart that no enemy would 
be there to resist him. On nearing the Hart tavern the enemy 
was discovered there, in position, with artihery, and somewhat 
intrenched ; and the head of Rosecrans' cohuim was fired on. 
At once the adventurous young man was charged with treachery, 
and his life was threatened, but calmer judgment prevailed and 
saved his life. 

Let us return to ]\IcClellan. He moved most of his command 
from his camp at Roaring Creek to Pegram's front, but strenu- 
ously denounced to his officers Rosecrans' movement as a mis- 
take for which Rosecrans was alone responsible, saying that 
he was to receive hourly reports from him during his progress 
and that none had come. He did, however, receive a message 
from him noting his progress up to 11 A. M., and when Rose- 
crans" was about 1^4 miles from his destination, and before he 
was fired on as just stated. 

McClellan, as already stated, was to attack the enemy in front 
simultaneously with Rosecrans' attack in his rear. 

What, you ask, became of the orderly and his big envelope? 
Both cut a big figure in the day's doings. He was seriously 
wounded, captured, and taken with his order directed to Rose- 
crans to Pegram. The order advised Pegram that Ros/ecrans' 
column was afoot ; so, likewise, did the orderly. He fortunately re- 
ported that Rosecrans had debouched with his troops to the 
enemy's right. This the orderly seems to have done somewhat 
doubtingly as Pegram's and other official reports show. (War 
Records, Vol. 2, pp. 256, 260, 272, 275). His wound served to 
raise a doubt in his chief's directions. 

10 



But Pegram being confident his left was impassible by a turn- 
ing force, reported to General Garnet at Laurel Hill that Rose- 
crans was turning his right. 

Pegram, fearing Rosecrans might possibly pass entirely 
around his right across the mountain and into the turnpike in 
his rear at a junction of roads eastward of the mountain sum- 
mit, caused Col. W. C. Scott (4th Va.) with a section of artillery 
to move from Beverly and look out for Rosecrans at this junction. 

Col. Pegram knowing the importance of his immediate rear 
on the mountain summit dispatched Captain Julius A. DeLagnel, 
who had recently resigned from the U. S. A. and joined his 
forces, with some companies of infantry and some pieces of 
artillery to the Hart tavern there to take position, fortify and 
look for the approach of Rosecrans' column around the Confeder- 
ate right. Sometime about 10 A. M., De Lagnel was in position 
with his guns pointed toward the expected approach of Rose- 
crans. This, with some additions sent late-, was the force that 
Rosecrans found, and that fired on his advance troops. 

It will now be readily understood why young Hart's assur- 
ances that no troops occupied the mountain at his father's house 
appeared to be false, though this was not known to Rosecrans 
until the next day. The orderly and his message came near 
costing young Hart his life. 

But what of the battle? De Lagnel's force did not exceed 
800 or 1000 men of all arms, if so many, but of his actual 
strength Rosecrans knew little, and, besides DeLagnel's com- 
mand had some temporary protection and advantage in position, 
and he had artillery, though this was somewhat neutralized by 

its bavins: been put in position to fi'e on an cujmv approachin']: 

11 



from a direction opposite from Rosecrans' approach. Both com- 
manders experienced a surprise. Rosecrans' column had some 
advantage by reason of its being on the backbone of the mountain 
at a greater elevation than the position of the enemy. 

After Rosecrans' advance was fired on and the presence of 
the enemy was discovered a delay of some forty minutes only 
followed, during which time the enemy received some re-enforce- 
ments, and Rosecrans formed his command for action. 

Col. F. W. Lander of McClellan's staff, a man of much fron- 
tier life in the West, accompanied the guide in the mountain and 
actively participated in the battle. 

About 1 P. M., Rosecrans bore down on the enemy and a 
short sanguinary conflict ensued. Our troops were raw, little 
drilled but well led by their oflicers. Colonels Samuel Beatty 
(19th Ohio), Wm. P. Benton, M. D. Manson and Jeremiah C. 
Sullivan (Indiana) led their regiments gallantly. The battle 
proper did not last fifteen minutes. 

The Confederates made a brave resistance, but they were soon 
disastrously overthrown, and their artillery captured. Captain 
De Lagnel was shot and understood to be killed. Some of the 
enemy escaped down the mountain to Pegram's main position, 
others toward Beverly. Our forces captured twenty-one pris- 
oners, fifty stands of arms, two pieces of artillery and some sup- 
plies. AlcClellan in his report and order, and Confederate officers, 
announced Captain DeLagnel killed in the battle. (War Records, 
Vol IT, pp. 208, 217, 226, 215.) 

12 



The Union loss was twelve killed and forty-nine wounded and 
the Confederate loss was probabl\ about the same althoug'h 
there were reports that the Confederates killed alone reached 
one hundred and thirty-five. 

This short conflict comprises the actual battle of Rich Moun- 
tain. It was^the unexpected. 

Turning again to McClellan. We left him in front of Peg- 
ram at the foot of the mountain. He chafed there throughout 
the day, not about an attack, but over Rosecrans' mistake. No 
order for an attack was issued though McClellan was present 
near the front throughout the afternoon of the day. I was with 
my regiment (Third Ohio) which was well up to the front. 
Becoming restless and over-curious I volunteered (without 
orders) to make a small reconnoissance on my own hook with 
about a half dozen men. We passed through jungle and under 
cover for a time, then came suddenly into a small opening near 
the road and under the muzzle of some of the enemy's guns 
located well up the mountain face. A shot from one of them 
which passed safely over our heads, put an end to our adventure 
and led to a more than deliberate retreat. I reported the cause 
of the firing and undertook to describe the location of some of 
the enemy's guns, but I was met wnth a sharp reproof and some 
severe censure from McClellan in person ; and I was told by 
him I "might have brought on a general battle before the General 
Commanding was ready for it." I sinned no more in that way, 
then, there, or ever, under him. (The gallant General John 
Beatty, then Lt. Col. 3rd Ohio, has generously described this 
incident in his "Citizen Soldier.") 

13 



We heard the sound of the battle on the mountain, and above 
the crags and trees could see its smoke, but, when the firing 
ceased, we did not know the result. It was generally agreed 
from indications that, as the battle had taken place where no 
enemy was understood to be and from its short duration, that- 
Rosecrans had been, at least defeated, and probably overwhelmed 
and captured. This view was taken by McClellan and his staff 
generally. This conclusion was materially strengthened bv a sig- 
nificant occurrences in Pegram's camp on the mountain face. 

Late in the afternoon of the 11th, and when the sound of 
the battle had ceased, an ofiicer was seen to gallop into his camp, 
halt, in the presence of a body of officers and men, and, appar- 
ently, vehemently address them amid responsive cheers. This 
proceeding being reported to McClellan at once settled him, 
and others around him, in the belief that Rosecrans had at least 
been defeated. A little later Confederate troops were observed 
moving to the rear up the mountain. This, instead of being 
assumed to be intended (as it really was) re-inforcements for 
defeated troops, was taken to be a probable aggressive movement, 
which, in some occult way, might assail our main army. The 
officer who was seen haranguing in the Confederate camp ap- 
pealed for a volunteer force to assail Rosecrans, and the cheers 
were a favorable response. The force thus dispatched was led by 
Col. Pegram, but it did not attack, and Rosecrans remained in- 
active in his new position, though threatened somewhat by Col. 
Scott's troops on the Beverly side of the mountain. 

The original plan for Rosecrans to attack from the rear while 

McClellan simultaneously attacked Pegram's front was not 

carried out. Late in the day Lieut. Orlando M. Poe (now of 

"Poe Lock" fame) the engineer officer on McClellan's stafi^, was 

14 



ordered to go to our right up a mountain spur and find a position 
where artillery could be used against the immediate left of the 
enemy. I was detailed with two of my companies to accompany, 
and protect him. We soon reached an eligible position, within 
rifle range of the enemy's guns and somewhat in their rear. I 
asked for reinforcements, and permission to open fire, but neither 
was given, and, being fresh from a rebuke from headquarters, 
I gave a peremptory order not to fire a gun unless fired on. 
But, as we were soon discovered and fired upon by artillery and 
scattering infantry, my command responded by a general rifle 
Are, which, for some reason, was not responded to, and we were 

allowed to retain our position without further molestation. A 
road was cut by other troops sent for the purpose, under direc- 
tion of Lieut. Poe, for artillery. As night came on some other 
companies, five in all, of my regiment were sent to the position 
and I was ordered to remain in command of them during the 
night, the men to be kept standing in line of battle, without fires, 
ready to repel any attack. The enemy once feebly advanced 
on my position but retired on being fired upon by my pickets. 
The rest of the army retired to its camp on Roaring Creek. 
Let AlcClellan's report of July 14, 1861, here speak: 

"I sent Lieutenant Poe to find such a position for our artillery 
as would enable us to command tiie works. Late in the afternoon I 
received his report that he had found such a place. I immediately 
detailed a party to cut a road to it for our guns, but it was too late 
to get them into position before dark, and as I had received no in- 
telligence whatever of General Rosecrans' movement, I finally deter- 
mined to return to camp, leaving merely sufficient force to cover t..e 
working party. Orders were then given to move up the guns with 
the entire available infantry at daybreak the following morning. As 
the troops were much fatigued, some delay occurred in moving from 
camp, and just as the guns were starting intelligence was received 
that the enemy had evacuated their works and fled over the moun- 

15 



tains, leaving all their guns, means of transportaton, ammunition, 
tents, and baggage behind. 

"Then for the first time since 11 o'clock the previous day, I re- 
ceived a communication from General Rosecrans, giving me the first 
intimation that he I:ad taken the enemy's position at Hart's farm." 

(War Records, Vol. II, p. 206..) 

This discloses that a battle took place within the hearing 
of the Commanding General; in sight of its smoke, and that he 
did not ascertain its issue for fifteen hours after it ceased. , 

On the morning of the 12th of July, Rosecrans, his staff and 
a small cavalry escort, rode down the mountain through the 
enemy's deserted camp and fortifications, bringing intelligence of 
his victory and of the enemy's flight. I withdrew my command 
from the mountain height and, though late, joined in the huzzahs. 
The battle being over and the Commanding General advised it 
was won, he immediately telegraphed the War Department and 
the country: 

I have won a g-eat victory, in possession of all the 
enemy's works up to a point in sight of Beverly, Have 
taken all his guns. * * >;= Behavior of troops in action 
and towards prisoners admirable.'" 

Neither Rosecrans or young Hart was then mentioned. 
What results followed? 

Pegram, the niglit afte- the battle, gathered his- demoralized 

forces together and, leaving the weaker ones and all his artillery^ 

wagons, etc., escaped about midnight by a mountain path which 

led to the northward of Rosecrans' position on the mountain, his 

purpose being to reach Tygart's Valley and to join General 

Garnett's forces still supposed by Pegram to be at Laurel Hill 

in front of General Morris, or in retreat.' So, on the morning^ 

of July 12th, we found in Pegram's camp only broken down men 

16 



and a number of mere boys — students from William and Mary 
and Hampden — Sidney Colleges, \ a. — too young yet for war. 
McClellan and staff, his army following, rode up the mountain 
with dazzling display through the deserted works, viewed the 
captured guns, etc., gazed on the dejected prisoners, thence to 
the battlefield, halting there only temporarily to contemplate it, 
and thence down the eastern slope of the mountain to Beverly, 
the junction of the turnpike roads from Grafton and Clarksburg, 
and there his army bivouacked late that day. 

I recall that McClellan and his Adjutant General, Major 
Seth Williams, rode aside on the mountain to view the body of 
Captain De Lagnel, (their former associate in the U. S. A.) the 
Confederate Commander in the battle, reported killed the day 
before. 

Garnett, learning of Rosecrans' success on Rich Mountain, 
hastily abandoned his intrenchments at Laurel Hill and retreated 
towards Beverly the night of the 11th, pursued by Morris' 
command, Garnett had ample time to pass through Beverly in 
safety, but a false rumor reached him that Union forces oc- 
cupied it early in the morning of the 12th, which caused him 
to turn off at Leadsville Church, about five miles from Beverly 
and continue his retreat up Leading Creek, over a difficult road. 
He was soon closely followed by a portion of Morris' army, 
directed by Captain U. W. Benham, an engineer staff* officer 
(U. S. A.) General C. W. Hill (of Ohio) failed to intercept 
Garnett's retreat at Red House, but he was overtaken by Ben- 
ham's pursuit and killed (July 13th) by a rifle ball while super- 
intending the passage over Cheat River of his rear guard at 
Carrick's Ford. 

17 



What became of Pegram and his forces? They fled over and 
the mountain and reached the Tygart's Valley River by 7 A. M., 
July 12th, near the road from Laurel Hill to Beverly, and about 
three miles from Leadsville Church. They were much broken 
down and starving, having marched twelve miles. After some 
delay Pegram set off to join Garnett, but he learned he had not 
only retreated but vvas pursued, as stated, and that Beverly was 
believed to be occupied. Pegram, late on the 12th, addressed 
the commanding officer at Beverly a note offering to surrender 
all his remaining command the next morninig. Accordingly 
Pegram conducted his remaining troops to Beverly (six miles) 
and there surrendered 30 officers and 525 men. Others escaped in 
squads and singJy. The men surrendered were paroled and sent 
South, save such officers as had left the United States Army to 
join the Confederacy^ who were sent to Ft. Henry for future 
disposition. 

(I note that at Beverly I first met a Mrs. Arnold, 
a patriotic Union woman, notwithstanding her hus- 
band and a son, and her distinguished brother, 
Lt. General Thomas J. Jackson (Stonewall), we^e 
disloyal to the Union. Her .only daughter, quite 
young in 1861, married, near the close of the war, 
Major Charles H. Evans (8 O. V. C.) of Spring- 
field, Ohio. He was, a few years ago ( in charge of 
one of the public schools in Cincinnati. His wife 
Grace died some years since, in Springfield, Ohio, 
and was there buried in Ferncliff Cemetery. Mrs. 
Arnold, after a short residence in Springfield, Ohio, 
returned to West Virginia. She died at Buchanan, 
W. Va., but a few weeks since. 

McClellan, a little later, moved his forces eastward from 
Beverly to Huttonville, Cheat Mountain Summit and to near the 
mouth of Elk Water, Tygart's Valley, on the Huntersville road, 

18 



and his fame went abroad for distinguished skill in campaign and 
battle. 

Bull Run was fought, and lost, July 21st, 1861, only ten 
days after the battle of Rich Mountain. A war leader was 
looked for. 

McClellan was summoned to Washington on the 22nd of 
July, where important duties and high command awaited him, 
which he accepted and held, with varied success, until relieved, 
permanently, Nov. 7, 1862, at Orleans, Va. He never again 
held military command. Rosecrans and other who were at 
Rich Mountain made records, and history, too long to be traced 
here. 

But what further of Captain DeLagnel, the Confederate bat- 
tle commander, reported killed at Rich Mountain? We last 
noted McClellan, Williams and others viewing his dead body on 
the roadside near the battlefield on the summit of Rich Mountain. 
By his former United States Army and his Confederate acquaint- 
ances his death was alike deplored. He had fought, in the first 
three months of the war, creditably on the Union and Confederate 
sides. Soon the report of his death reached the then much 
excited Southern people. By common consent in thousands of 
churches South, regardless of denominational belief, the Catho- 
lic Church not excepted, funeral and memorial services were 
held. He was spoken of as a first great, heroic, patriotic sacri- 
fice to the cause of the new-born nation — to the liberty and bless- 
ings of the human family which it stood to secure, etc. What po- 

19 



tehtafe; or man of fame, has been more honored Or more univer- 
sally mourned? 

■•^•' But another incident here succeeds. On August I4th, 1861, 
'^apt?-H'enry E. Cunard (3rd O. V. I.) with a part of his com- 
pany was on a scout on the Brady's Gate road in advance of 
Camp Elk Water, Tygart's \'alley, when Corporal Stiner and 
Privates Vincent and Watson discovered a man passing stealth- 
ily around them through the timber. He was halted and inter- 
rogated. 

;o General John Beatty, in his "Citizen Soldier," describes better 
than I can what took place. . 

"He professed to be a farm hand; said his employer had a moun- 
tain farm not far away, where he pastured cattle; that a two year- 
old steer strayed away, and he was looking for him- His clothes were 
fearfully torn by brush and briars. His hands and face were 
scratched by thorns. He had taken off his boots to relieve his swol- 
len feet, and was carrying them in his hands. Imitating the lan- 
gtiage and manner of an uneducated West Virginian, he asked the 
sentinel if he had seed anything of a red steer.' The setinel had not. 
Aftei" continuing the conversation for a time he finally said: 'Well, 
I: must be a-gojng, it is a-gettin' late and Fm durned feared I won't 
get back to the farm afore night. Good-day.' *Hold on,' said the 
sentinel; *better go and see the Captain.' *0, no, don't want to trouble 
him, it is not likely he has seed the steer, and it's gettin' late.' 'Come 
right along,' replied the sentinel, bringing down his gun; 'the Captain 
will not niind being troubled; in fact, I am instructed to take such 
SLS ypu to him." 

'••'The ^Captain was inclined, on examination, to let the man 
pasg without further molestation. But the keen sense of a pri- 
vate: soldier, detected, and told his, Captain that the man could 
nqtbe a mountaineer, first, because he naturally used good Ei;.g^ 
lish language — was a scholar ; second, because he had high-priced 

sewed boots, etc. The Captain told the stranger to go with him 

20 



to camp for further examination. He protested, but on finding 
the Captain obdurate and the order final, he threw up his hands 
and declared he would not go in disguise, or pretending to be 
what he was not; and he further announced that he knew Gen- 
eral Joseph J. Reynolds, our Commander at Camp Elk Water, 
and that he was a former officer in the United States Army, but 
that he was then an officer in the Confederate service— late com- 
mander of the Confederates in the battle of Rich Mountain— that 
his name was Julius A. DeLagnel. His tongue, attuned to edu- 
cation and learning, had betrayed him. On this day my acquaint- 
ance with DeLagnel commenced. It has not yet ended. 

His early home was, and his present home proper, is Alex- 
andria, Va. He was married something over a year ago, and 
since then he has been spending his honeymoon at the Mendota, 
Washington, D. C. 

DeLagnel, on recovering from the shock of his severe wound, 
escaped alone to a house in the mountain, where he remained 
about one month, and then, in trying to rejoin the Confederates, 
was captured, as stated. 

I have a letter, addressed to me, from him, dated November 
nth, 191L 

DeLagnel, on being exchanged, served with distinction to the 
end of the war; then, as did other Confederates, he expatri- 
ated himself, with purpose to be a resident citizen of the United 
States. He first went to Mexico, then to South America, then 
to several countries in Europe, then to Asia, employed vari- 
ously whenever he could find employment. He was purser of 
the ship which in 1878 carried Grant ac-oss the Indian Ocean 
on his journey around the world. 



^.PeLagnel, sadly disappointed with his world-wandering' life, 
abajidoned it, returned to his old home at Alexandria, resolved 
to resume his residence in, and allegiance to, his native land, 
pledge anew his loyalty to his country and resume his full duties 
as a citizen of the United States, /fhis he has done faithfully 
and successfully. He paid me, at my rooms in Washington City, 
a friendly call shortly after his return (1880), and he theo de- 
tailed much of his life and adventures abroad, and declared his 
supreme happiness over his return to his country and kindred; 
and ;.he expressed his utter failure to find happiness or home dur- 
ing his maiiy years of wandering. He touchingly portrayed his 
life during all his absence as that of "a man without a country'' 
He formed, while abroad, no enduring friendship ; nobody he met 
cared' for him or his welfare, and he took ho interest in new 
a6qtiaintances, and his condition was much like one living in 
solitude. 

Another memorable incident not connected with the Rich 
Mountain battle will be mentioned. General R. E. Lee assembled 
(August, 1861) in Western Virginia, at Big Springs, Valley 
Mountain, well up Tygart's Valley River, a somewhat formidable 
Confederate Army with the purpose of. driving our forces out 
^of that regiop. He advanced early in September, 1881, down 
the valley to the front of General Reynold's command at Camp 
Elk Water. 

On the 13th of September, I was posted, in the advance, with 

companies of my own and other regiments and some artillery on 

grand guard, outpost and picket duty, near the mouth of Elk 

Water, a position commanding the Elk Water and Brady's Gate 

road, the main pike and the whole then narrow valley of the 

Tvgart's. Lee's advance was then in mv immediate front. A 

21 



preliminary fight was expected to take place there. On the after- 
noon of September 13th, a report came to me that a body of 
Confederate cavalry was rapidly approaching from Brady's Gate 
(near the place of DeLagnel's capture) down the Elk Water, 
which would bring it into my rear. I made some necessary dis- 
positions, but, being incredulous about cavalry undertaking to 
maneuver in a narrow mountain road, I went personally to my 
advance picket post to make observations and to obtain first-hand 
information. Some soldiers of the 17th Ind. (Col. Haskeirs) 
were there on picket. While there two richly caparisoned and 
well-mounted officers rode into full view from around a point 
of a mountain spur, followed, not closely, by a cavalry force. On 
seeing us, the two officers halted and hastily wheeled their horses 
about to escape. They were distant about 150 yards. Sergeant 
Weller and three or four others, by my command, fired on them. 
The leading officer fell from his horse, and the other officer's 
horse fell with him, but he arose, and, by mounting the fallen 
officer's horse, fled and escaped, as did the cavalry, for other pres- 
sing reasons. I hastened to the side of the fallen officer raised him 
on one elbow, and, though gasping and dying, he (as usual with 
the wounded) called for "water." When brought from the near- 
by stream he was dead. At least three balls penetrated from his 
back through his left breast. 

A few years since Rev. John T. Rose, an Episcopal minister, 
son of Captain George S. Rose of General Reynold's staff, showed 
me a common-sized letter envelope taken from this officer's breast 
pocket showing three bullet holes through it. I readily recog- 
nized it with the dried blood on it. 

This officer was John Augustine W^ashington, then se:*ving 

as aid-de-camp, with the rank of lieutenant colonel, on General 

23 



Robert E. Lee's staff. He was probably the then nearest living re- 
lative of George Washington, and great-grandson pi General 
Washington's brother, John Augustine Washington, and, on:his 
mother's side, a great-grandson of Richard Henry Lee, of Revolu- 
tionary fame. He had owned Mount \ ernon, but had sold it to 
an association of patriotic ladies, who still own it. He fell in his 
first military campaign. His body was taken the day after his 
death, under a flag of truce, and delivered to his great chief- 
Lee. It was buried on his ''Waveland" plantation, near Marshall, 
Fanquier Co., V. His eldest son, Lawrence Washington, a 
friend of mine, is a resident of Washington, D. C, has a large 
family and is a clerk in the Congressional Library. 

The officer who escaped was Major W. H. F. Lee, son 
of General R. E. Lee. He became a major-general in the Con- 
federate Army ; was wounded and captured at Brandy Station, 
Va., 1863 ; was exchanged and surrendered at Appomattox. His 
brother, George Washington Curtis Lee, was a West Point grad- 
uate, who left the United States Army, after his illustrious father, 
and served with distinction through the Civil W^ar, reached the 
rank of major-general, and was captured by my command at 
Sailor's Creek, Va., the last field battle of the war, April 6th, 
1865, three days before his father surrendered his sword and 
the army of Northern Virginia to Grant at Appomattox. 

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